CATECHESIS AND CONQUEST: COMMUNION

CATECHESIS AND CONQUEST: COMMUNION?

Annette M. Pelletier, I.H.M.

Please note that this is a condensed version of and the original text. For full and complete footnotes and citations please refer to the original.

Our world and our Church are ever more diversified and global. Cultural encounters happen in an instant by the click of a mouse or the flick of a switch. Technology and the media is the new forum for contact. Once upon time, neither contact nor encounter was quite so easy or quick. Let us take a look back into real time when the format for contact and encounter were the unexpected, unknown, and unimagined lands and peoples of present day Latin America. Let us return to that moment in time when our world and Church became global! We will peek at the initial encounter between Iberian Catholicism and the Andean Inca. Our focus will be channeled through the lens of ritual worlds they shared, but, tragically, the world of ritual meaning they did not. The thought world of the unlettered Iberian conquistadores could not imagine any other authentic religious culture except their own. Their ignorance and the Andeans’ vulnerability marked the first and future encounters with mutual suspicion and distrust.

So, let us look behind and beyond this initial encounter to explore, not ignore, the possibility of shared meanings at a time in our history when the global and local cannot help but meet!

Due to time constraints, I will omit (or perhaps spare you!) an analysis of the historical context of the viceroyalty of Peru during the first century of the discovery, domination, and Christianization of the cultural capital of the Inca Empire in Cusco, Peru (1530 to1660). Instead, I will focus our gaze on the catechetical content and method employed by the first generations of lay and cleric evangelizers and catechists in relation to the Eucharist. Finally, I will explore some of the implications of this cultural encounter where religious meanings never met.

Before discussing content and method of catechesis, and the controversies that arose over allowing the Andeans to receive Holy Communion, I offer a few key words that capture the drama of this unexpected and unprepared for encounter: claim, conquer, Christianize. Claim in the name of the Crown of Catholic Spain, Christianize the conquered to save their souls for Christ.

CATECHISIS: Methodology

What, then, was the catechetical method employed to reconfigure the Andean religious imagination which the Spaniards attempted to erase? Specifically, how were the Andeans prepared to receive the Eucharist? Since massive baptismal campaigns, with minimal, if non existent, catechesis had made all the Andeans members of the Church. What about the other sacraments? Were the baptized, but not converted, to receive them? In particular, were they to be included at the Eucharistic table, too? The reception of Holy Communion at Mass presented a pastoral and theological problem. To address these issues various Episcopal Councils of Lima mandated that all Andeans were to receive post baptismal catechesis. Now that their souls were saved it was imperative to cure their minds of their demonically inspired religious beliefs. The remedy? Systematic catechetical indoctrination based in the Roman Catechism (which eventually was translated into Quechua, Aymara, and Spanish) to accomplish this objective bilingual Andean catechists were trained by clerics and taught to teach their peers. Questions and answers were recited in Spanish or Latin, translated into the vernacular, then somewhat mystified students sang out or chanted the answers in concepts they did not understand.

There were also attempts to reach the hearts of the captive catechetical classes held three days a week (obligatory for all adults and children!). The recitation of the rosary and the veneration of the cross were integrated into lessons. Stories about t the saints were particularly effective catechetical tool since the Andean religious tradition relied so heavily on the intermediary power of local gods, the huacas.[1] Sermons were crafted for dramatic effect: most frequently to denounce the evils of ancestral worship.

Despite catechetical indoctrination, it was widely believed that the Inca were incapable of ever really “getting it” in order merit and that they had weak imaginations easily manipulated by Satan. Consequently, catechetical instruction waned and very few, and depending on the religious congregation in charge, few, if any were permitted to receive the Eucharist. To address this issue Second Council of Lima stipulated norms for sacramental catechesis. Permission was given for Andeans to receive the Eucharist at least four years after baptism. Pastoral practice, however, was not consistent. The Spaniards, clerics and lay alike, prejudice against the Andeans’ worthiness and aptness prevailed. Even religious orders had different policies regarding those allowed to receive and those excluded.

In the best of cases, to determine their readiness, the priest orally tested first communion candidates on the catechism. Candidates had to answer questions about the Trinity, the Real Presence, the Incarnation, sin, grace, and Redemption. Fortunately, or unfortunately, their highly developed oral tradition made them expert memorizers. So, too many, even their correct responses did not count. Answers sounded parroted. Was the doctrine really understood? The doubt persisted that even the amply catechized never really understood.

For those few who did pass the “test”, special precautions were taken to be sure they were without sin. The day before communion the priest instructed the candidates again on the sacrament. Before mass the next day they were to attend to their personal hygiene, abstain from sexual relations with their spouse, and ask for confession before mass if an unremembered sin came to mind.

Despite the intensive “testing” prior to first communion, controversy raged over permitting Andeans to receive Communion more than once or even once a year! No matter what ecclesiastical or civil norms dictated, Andeans were never encouraged, and often not permitted, to receive the Eucharist a second or third time.[2]

Why? To most Iberians, the Andeans could never live up to the moral requisites that would make them worthy to receive communion. Ancestral matrimonial customs such as, polygamy, incest, and pantanaco (trial wives) were difficult to root out. The eradication their culture and the usurpation of their land had precipitated a profound anomie. Not only did thousands die from disease precipitated by artificial living conditions in the reducciones, but also, many succumbed to chronic drunkenness and asocial behavior. This conduct consolidated views that the Inca Andeans were a substandard species incapable and unworthy of receiving communion. Sunday Misa was mandatory, but communion was only for the worthy.

A bright light in the dark shadows of this crisis was the Jesuit, Jose de Acosta. Similar to his counterpart in Mexico, Bartolomé de las Casas, Acosta staunchly defended the Incas’ right to receive the Eucharist more than once in a lifetime. In De Procanda Indorum Salute he argued that the Inca had the faith and possessed the intelligence to distinguish between ordinary bread and the consecrated host.

He vigorously challenged clerics to responsibly catechize the Andeans in their charge. Some catechists gave up instruction too easily, either out of laziness or desperation because of the Andeans seemingly brute ignorance. Acosta questioned the laxity in catechetical instruction. If the Inca are not taught, how they will ever understand? If they are never permitted to taste the bread of life, how will they ever show devotion for the holy sacrament? How will they reform their lives if they are denied the empowering grace of the sacrament? He noted that those Andeans properly prepared longed to receive communion again and again. Their confessions, too, manifested deep contrition for their sins - so much so that, to the astonishment of their confessors, they tearfully asked for harsher penances

Acosta challenged civic and religious officials over the destruction of Inca shrines, temples, and the theft of their religious artifacts. Echoing Augustine he reminded them that first idols must be removed from their hearts, then from their altars. Without the support of religious symbols the door of their hearts is closed, locked, barred from the gospel.[3]

Acosta’s contribution bore limited fruit. Even though a Royal Decree (1578) and the third Council of Lima (1583) confirmed his position, his and the Jesuits pastoral leniency which permitted the Inca to receive communion not only once a year, but on Holy Days, too, evoked furious criticism from other religious congregation and caused public scandal. His theology was sound but rarely applied.[4]

How was the Eucharist celebrated among Incan congregations of baptized but quasi converted? Most Latin Americanists agree that liturgical rituals, especially the splendor and solemnity of Renaissance Mass, did more to inculturate Catholicism among the Andeans than the indoctrination of the catechism.[5] Since Andean religious tradition possessed a rich heritage of rituals, myths and beliefs, the Inca were naturally disposed to catholic sacramentality. In view of the systematic destruction, desecration, and denigration of their religious culture, Catholic the signs, symbols, and rituals provided a haven for their alienated religious imagination.

As Incan shrines and temples were eradicated before their very eyes, Inca laborers and artisans were put to work building splendidly adorned Catholic churches. In the very spot where Inti Raymi, the sun god was honored, the Catholic Son of God was worshipped with all possible pomp and solemnity.[6]

At these fabulous liturgies, music was of special importance. Schools for Inca choirs and cantors were formed. Native musical instruments were incorporated into the liturgy. One chroniclers of this era commented that a pueblo might lack tailors, shoemakers, bread, meat, and wine but the Mass or devotions never lacked the music of the melodious Andean harp.[7] Nowhere in the viceroyalty of Peru was the Catholic liturgy more splendidly celebrated than Cusco, the former heart and hub of Inca religious culture.[8]

Mirroring a flourishing cult to the real presence in Spain, New World Corpus Christi processions evolved into magnificent spectacles. In Cusco, particularly, Corpus Christi, to this day, was a feast whose[9] splendor and solemnity surpassed all others. This fabulous display of faith and imagination included all manner of active conscious participation: processions, dances, bonfires, and torches, religious drama honored the Eucharistic Lord.[10] Andean melodies dedicated to the sun god, Inti Raymi, were adapted into Eucharistic hymns to honor the Son of God present in the host and carried in procession in the monstrance shaped in the form of sun burst. The Andeans honored their new Lord dressed in ceremonial finery reserved for ancestral cult. Feathers, animal skins, animal heads were donned once more to honor the new Son of God, Jesus Christ present in the host. Dances once performed for the former sun god now honored the new God, Jesus Christ.[11] Clearly, the language that both the Old and the New Word shared was that sign, symbol and ritual. Sacrament and liturgy evangelized into a domain of Andean soul that the catechism could not. Whether or not the Andeans of Cusco grasped the Catholic meaning of sacraments and liturgy cannot be known. What we can claim, however, is that sacramentality provided a foundation upon which Christianity was inculturated … or was it?

CONCLUSIONS

What can we learn from this peek into the pastoral practices of the past to enrich current reflection on inculturation and catechesis of the sacraments and the liturgy in the present? Did authentic inculturation occur in a context of conquest, coerced “conversion”, and superficial catechesis? Did missionary catechesis ever really eradicate Incan religious paradigms or was their religious world simply reconfigured into a unique brand Catholicism that evolved into popular religiosity? Various conflicting and converging explanations shape these issues. We shall summarize only a few.

Some historians view the Christianization of the indigenous cultures of Latin America as a confirmation of the cultural adaptability of Catholicism. Despite the violence of conquest and minimal catechesis, Catholicism was authentically inculturated. Even though European metaphysics never meaningfully engaged the Andean imagination or intellect, Catholic sacramental rites offered a stable platform upon which a popular Catholicism was built. The eradication of their native rituals did not erase their religious aspirations or creative imagination.[12]

Other historians and anthropologists, however, opine that, at best, the encounter of two religious worlds amounted to a syncretic mix. The superficial catechesis never reached into the Andean thought world. Propositional thinking and written language was never a part of their cognitive world. In other words, meaning was missed!

Others consider that Catholic, sacramental worship did no more than provide a mask behind “faked” observance of the Catholic rites: they remained pagans at heart! Their ancestral beliefs were never eradicated. These divergent religious worlds, Old and New, never communed.[13] These positions suggest that the legacy of catechesis by conquest imposed an artificial religious consciousness, not authentic conversion.

On the other hand, some cultural anthropologists view the encounter as a convergence of two similar ritual worlds: Catholic sacramentality and Andean religious ritual. The mutual encounter provoked a reformulation of the innate Andean sense of transcendence expressed in rituality. Despite the desecration, denigration, and destruction of the material culture, a profoundly resilient religious sense perdured, as well as, a creative capacity for reformulating religious meaning in Catholic sacramental terms.[14] Manuel Marzal refines this interpretation and takes it a step further. He views inculturation as a redefinition or addition of meanings to preserve cultural identity (especially in the case of compulsory acculturation) but also to make the new cultural universe is made understandable.[15]

Similarly, Alejandro Garcia-Rivera interprets the encounter as something more than a syncretic “mix”. The remnants of Andean rituals were not merely incorporated into Spanish Catholicism, they add a dimension authentically that transforms both religious worlds. The encounter was a convergence that birthed something new despite the highly negative conditions of conquest and forced acculturation.[16] In other words, despite the cultural constraints of catechist and catechized, the supracultural elements of the message were communicated.[17] The polyvalent nature of Catholic sacramentality and the sophisticated Andean ritual world provided a platform for the two worlds to meet, even if meanings were not immediately shared.[18] However it happened, a vital form of Christianity emerged from errors of conquest, as well as, the heroic efforts of the hundreds of lay and cleric missionaries. The truly admirable contributions of these unmentioned heroes are subject for another investigation!

For those like Angscar Chupungco who understand inculturation as an insertion and absorption of new texts and rites into the thought patterns of the receiving culture, [19] the Andean experience raises a few questions. Inca religious culture was destroyed, not absorbed. Indoctrination in the catechism replaced the Inca religious thought world. Their ritual language was displaced by Latin and Spanish. Their ritual practices denigrated and their ritual spaces and objects desecrated and destroyed. The Hispanic Catholicism that evolved was the fruit of violent imposition, not insertion. The Andeans were first decultured then recultured in Catholic terms, but never as equals. Catechesis was predicated on the assumption that Andean beliefs and rituals were demonic; therefore, could never be integrated or adapted into the Catholic faith. Eradication, not purification, reigned as paradigm..

No matter how one may interpret the dynamics of conquest and catechesis in Andean Peru, the fruits of this encounter emerged as something unmistakably new and different. Even if there was never a dialogue between two equals, a conversation of sorts emerged. As time passed, popular religiosity emerged from the quasi catechized and socially marginalized Amerindian population. It became the language that continued the distant conversation between official Catholicity and native religiosity. Early colonial conquest and catechesis only grudgingly granted sacramental communion to the first generations of Andean Catholic Christians. Yet, that legacy never dampened or deterred the evolution of so a profound religious sense that zealous, Catholic Spaniards considered indelibly entrenched.[20]

This fragment of the history of intercultural catechesis and sacramental practices provides a deeper understanding of why the Eucharist remains for some Hispanics, a “sacrament celebrated but not shared.” From this taste of a tidbit of the sacramental history, how can pastoral practice in our day facilitate communion at the Eucharistic table in Americas, North and South? Three conclusions come to mind. First and foremost, catechize for communion, for koinonia. The rate and intensity of globalization generates and ever more diverse local churches. Boundaries are more permeable and difference more salient.[21] Authentic dialogue was never a possibility between the dominant Iberian culture of the North and the dominated indigenous cultures of the South. The Spanish never questioned their assumptions about the significance of the indigenous cultures’ “difference.” Their cultural bias was entrenched. In our time an over emphasis on diversity and exaggerated focus on ethnicity accentuates differences that, easily compete. Both conquest and competition share the same goal: the acquisition of power over, not in communion with.[22]

Secondly, in catechesis favor imagination over indoctrination. Ignorance and distrust of the imagination of the indigenous’ peoples blocked communication between the thought worlds of newcomers and natives. Truly inculturated liturgical catechesis invites the catechist to trust the power of the symbolic in ritual gestures, materials, space to convey meanings that indoctrination alone cannot bear.[23] Catechesis based primarily on written or memorized texts tethers meaning to concepts. The “rite” kind of catechesis engages the imagination to creatively assimilate the known with the new.

Finally, get acquainted with the history of the “other”. For all of our talk about inculturation and the thousands of the words written about the topic, a good test of the sincerity of our discourse is to discover a friend with an accent or a different shade of skin. While the academy writes books, articles and gives lectures; and the people in the pews worship at “their” ethnically friendly liturgy, can we, also build bridges of communion by favoring a diversity that does not divide? In other words, shall we trust the signs, the symbols and ritual to say what our words and works are often too weak to express. That the Body is one and we, though many, and though diverse are all significant parts.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Acosta, José. De Procanda Indorum Salute. Edited by Luciano Perena. Vol. II. Madrid, Spain: Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas, 1984.

Arriaga, Pablo José De. "Extirpación De La Idolatría Del Perú." In Crónicas Peruanas De Interés Indígena, edited by Francisco Barba, Estere, 193-277. Madrid, España: Graficas Norte, 1968.

Cárdenas, Eduardo. "Las Practicas Piadosas. Los Sacramentos." In Historia de la Iglesia Hispanoamérica y Filipinas: Siglo XV - XIX, edited by Pedro Borges, 361-80. Madrid: Biblioteca de Autores Cristianos, 1992.

Chupungco, Anscar J. Liturgies of the Future: The Process and Methods of Inculturation. New York: Paulist Press, 1989.

Dorsonville, P. Mario A. "Un Sacramento Celebrado Pero No Compartido." Pregonero, October 7 2004.

Dussel, Enrique. Hipótesis Para Una Historia De La Iglesia En America Latina. Barcelona, Spain: Editorial Estela, 1967.

———. Les Evêques Hispano-Américains Défenseurs Et Evangelisateurs De L'indien: 1504-1620. Wiesbaden: Franz Steiner Verlag GMBH, 1970.

Frost, Elsa Cecilia. "Indians and Theologians: Sixteenth Century Spanish Theologians and Their Concept of the Indigenous Soul." In South and Meso-American Native Spirituality, edited by Ewert Cousins, 119-39. New York: Crossroad Publishing, 1997.

García, Enrique Ahumada. Comienzos de la Catequesis en America y Particularmente Chile. Santiago, Chile: Pía Sociedad de San Pablo, 1991.

García Rivera, Alejandro. "Wisdom, Beauty and the Cosmos in Hispanic Spirituality and Theology." In Cuerpo De Cristo: Hispanic Presence in the U.S. Church, edited by Pedro and Raul Gomez Casarella, 106-33. New York: Crossroad Publishers, 1998.

Hanke, Lewis. "Introduction." In Fr. Bartolomé De Las Casas: Del Único Modo De Atraer a Los Pueblos a La Verdadera Religión, 21-60. Mexico: Fondo de Cultura Economica, 1942.

Happel, Stephen. "Imagination and Worship." In The New Dictionary of Sacramental Worship, edited by Peter Fink, 587-94. Collegeville, Minnesota: The Liturgical Press, 1990.

Hope, D.M., G. Woolfenden. "The Medieval Western Rites." In The Study of Liturgy, edited by Cheslyn Jones, Geoffrey Wainwright, Edward Yarnold, Paul Bradshaw, 264-84. New York: Oxford Univeristy Press, 1992.

Ibarra, Joaquín ed. Recopilación De Leyes De Los Reynos De Las Indias. Vol. Tomo I. Madrid, Spain: Centro de Estudios Políticos y Constituciones y el Boletín del Estado, 1998.

Jungmann, Josef S. J. (Missarum Sollemnia) The Mass of the Roman Rite. 2 vols. New York: Benziger Brothers, 1950, 1955.

_________, "Religious Education in Late Medieval Times," In Shaping the Christian Message, edited by Gerard S. Sloyan, 38-62. New York: Macmillan Company, 1959.

Kelleher, Margaret Mary. "Liturgy and the Christian Imagination." Worship 2, no. March 1992 (1992): 125-48.

Klaiber, Jeffrey. Religion and Revolution in Peru. Notre Dame: Notre Dame Univeristy Press, 1977.

MacCormack, Sabine. Religion in the Andes Vision and Imagination in Early Colonial Peru. Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1991.

Marthaler, Berard. The Catechism Yesterday and Today: The Evolution of a Genre. Collegeville, Minnesota: Liturgical Press, 1995.

Martini, Mónica Patricia. Indios Y Los Sacramentos En Hispanoamérica Colonial. Buenos Aires, Argentino: PRHISCO-CONICET, 1993.

Marzal, Manuel M. "The Religion of Andean Quechua in Southern Peru." In Indian Face of God, edited by Xavier Albo Eugenio Maurer, Bartomeu Melia. Maryknoll, New York: Orbis Books, 1966.

McKenna, John. "Symbol and Reality: Some Anthropological Considerations." Worship 65 (1991): 2-26.

Medina, Fernando de Armas. Cristianización De Perú 1532-1600. Sevilla, Spain: Escuela de Estudios Hispano-Americanos de Sevilla, 1953.

Poole, Deborah. "Rituals of Movements, Rites of Transformation: Pilgrimage and Dance in the Highlands of Cusco Peru." In Pilgrimage in Latin America, edited by Ross and Alan Norris Cumrine, 307-38. New York: Greenwood Press, 1991.

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Romero, Gilbert C. Hispanic Devotional Piety: Tracing Biblical Roots. Edited by Robert Schreiter, Faith and Culture Series. Maryknoll, New York: Orbis Books, 1991.

Schreiter, Robert J. The New Catholicity: Theology between the Global and the Local. Maryknoll, New York: Orbis Books, 1997.

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Sloyan, Gerard S. "Religious Education: from Early Christianity to Medieval Times." In Shaping The Christian Message, 3-37. New York: The Macmillan Company, 1959.

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ADDENDA

Artistic Interpretations of the Encounter[24].

[1]Marzal, 70, 96, 97. Marzal attributes the Catholic cult of the saints are one of the most significant bridges between Christianity and Andean religious ethos. Huacas were replaced and reinterpreted with Catholic patron saints. Thus the fabulous festivals for the patron saint of each pueblo and the miracles and favors attributed to them when honored through religious rituals, especially the Mass. This coincided neatly with the Catholic Church’s defense and promotion of cult to the saints at the time of the Reformation. Similar to statues of the saints, huacas were images/idols who granted requests in exchange for cultic services.

[2] Acosta, 385. And, Martini, 177. Each congregation had its norms for permitting neophytes to receive Holy Communion. The Augustinians and Franciscans opted a gradual approach, ie four years after Baptism. Dominicans were more rigorous. After First Communion, they excused Indians from the precept of Easter duty. A General Chapter of the Congregation eventually forced the missionaries to let the Indians fulfill their Easter duty. The Jesuits were, in the eyes of many, permissive to the point of laxity. They encouraged the Indians to receive not only at Easter, but also on Holy Days and other occasions. (178).

[3]Ibid 2. He quotes Augustine as the basis for this argument.

[4]Medina, 329. An indication of the scope of this issue can be seen in the norms dating back to the Papal Bull of Clement VII Omnimoda 1522 permitting Indians to receive the sacraments. The First Council of Lima (37) sets norms for catechesis and the Second and Third Councils further reiterating proper pastoral sacramental preparation. (308).

[5]Marzal, 96. Marzal comments regarding Baptism are interesting. Andeans “viewed it as a social price to be borne” and to the missionaries in charge it was a “form of social legitimization” (98).

[7]Ibíd., 363. Faltan “sastres, zapateros, pan, carne, vino, pero no el arpa empleada en la misa, los bautizos, la Salve, y el vía crucis”. See also Medina, Cristianización De Perú 1532-1600.

[9]To this day, the Corpus Christi procession in Cusco attracts thousands of worshippers and tourists for its splendor and solemnity.

[11]Lara traces the emergence of the image the sacramental sun as a fusion of the Inca deity with Eucharistic piety.

[12]Klaiber, 111. He also notes that some Latin American thinkers, like Jose Maria Mariategui disagree. He maintained that Indians were never truly christianized (10). A sweet note that post modern reinterpretation that attempts to get behind the missionary “texts” discovers that, the Amerindians were “chronically resistant and only conditionally cooperative” (9).

[15]Marzal, 101. Marzal insists that indigenous Christianity is not a “mask” under which ancient Andean religious symbolism perdures. (94).

[16]Alejandro Garcia Rivera, "Wisdom, Beauty and the Cosmos in Hispanic Spirituality and Theology," in Cuerpo De Cristo: Hispanic Presence in the U.S. Church, ed. Pedro and Raul Gomez Casarella (New York: Crossroad Publishers, 1998), 107 See also See also Schreiter regarding the positive nature of syncretism 1997.

[17]Gilbert C. Romero, Hispanic Devotional Piety: Tracing Biblical Roots, ed. Robert Schreiter, Faith and Culture Series (Maryknoll, New York: Orbis Books, 1991), 21.

[19]Anscar J. Chupungco, Liturgies of the Future: The Process and Methods of Inculturation (New York: Paulist Press, 1989), 29. Of course this applies to post Vatican II understanding of liturgical inculturation: understanding colonial evangelizers could not have had.

[22]For more on communion see J.M.Tillard, Church of Churches. (Collegeville: The Liturgical Press, 1992) and Joseph Komonchak, “The Theology of the Local Church: State of the Question,” The Multicultural Church, ed. William Cenkner. (New York: Paulist Press, 1996).

[23] For the value of imagination in worship see Margaret Mary Kelleher, "Liturgy and the Christian Imagination," Worship 2, no. March 1992 (1992). and Stephen Happel, "Imagination and Worship," in The New Dictionary of Sacramental Worship, ed. Peter Fink (Collegeville, Minnesota: The Liturgical Press, 1990). Symbolic power of liturgy see John McKenna, "Symbol and Reality: Some Anthropological Considerations," Worship 65 (1991).